For about 20 years, Ray Keating wrote a weekly column - a short time with the New York City Tribune, more than 11 years with Newsday, another seven years with Long Island Business News, plus another year-and-a-half with RealClearMarkets.com. As an economist, Keating also pens an assortment of analyses each week. With the Keating Files, he decided to expand his efforts with regular commentary touching on a broad range of issues, written by himself and an assortment of talented contributors and columnists. So, here goes...
Showing posts with label Bryan Riley. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bryan Riley. Show all posts

Friday, December 18, 2020

Guest Column: Lighthizer Interview Should Be Required Reading for Econ Students

 by Bryan Riley

The Keating Files – December 18, 2020

 

A recent BBC interview with U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer should be required reading for economics students. Amb. Lighthizer conveniently repeats several major misconceptions about international trade.

 

For example, according to Amb. Lighthizer, “We want strong communities in the United States. And if that means that T-shirts cost another nickel, then T-shirts will cost another nickel.” 

 


That may sound good in theory, but it is not remotely close to how things work in the real world.

 

If it is more affordable to buy an imported T-shirt than one made in the U.S., the money that Americans save is spent or invested elsewhere in our economy. On top of that, the dollars Americans spend on imports are either used to buy U.S. exports or to invest in the United States.

 

Denying American families and businesses the freedom to buy affordable goods does not create strong communities. It simply empowers the federal government to pick winners and losers within the economy based on who has the most political clout.

 

Amb. Lighthizer: "We're proud of what we have done.... what we tried to do was reorient the purpose of international trade more towards working people in the United States and less towards outsourcing and corporations." 

 

The 8.5 million Americans who work for foreign-owned corporations probably have a more positive and realistic view of the impact of global investment and corporations. Since 2009, jobs created by foreign corporations choosing to invest in the United States increased by 44 percent. Americans would benefit from more international investment, not less.

 

Moreover, as Pulitzer Prize-winning business and economics columnist Steven Pearlstine wrote in 2012: “Those savings and those extra profits [from outsourcing] aren’t put under the mattress. Most of it is spent or invested in the United States in ways that are hard to track but have surely created hundreds of thousands of jobs in other companies and other industries. Those who hold those jobs would have no reason to know that they are beneficiaries of the process of outsourcing and globalization. But in a very real sense, they are.”

 

Amb. Lighthizer: "We had lost millions of manufacturing jobs, we had enormous trade deficits, not just with individual countries... but with the whole world, going up every year to the point where it was $800bn, and really something that's not sustainable.” 

 

From 2010 to 2019 the United States added nearly 1.4 million new manufacturing jobs, a trend that began years before President Trump took office. After China joined the World Trade Organization, U.S. manufacturing output increased and manufacturing layoffs declined. According to economist Michael Hicks, “[t]here are major misunderstandings among the public and the media about the manufacturing sector. The U.S. manufacturing base is not in decline, and we have recovered from the recession. Nor are jobs being outsourced because American manufacturing can’t compete internationally.”

 

Because the Trump administration failed to comprehend the cause of trade deficits, its efforts to reduce them through tariffs were doomed from the start. According to the Congressional Research Service, “[r]ecent empirical research studying tariff adjustments in a panel of countries supports this theoretical framework and finds no significant evidence of tariffs improving a country’s trade balance.”

 

The Peterson Institute’s Gary Hufbauer and Zhiyao (Lucy) Lu explained the economics: “[T]he United States is bound to run an overall trade deficit with the rest of the world when combined U.S. savings of the household, business, and government sectors are negative, as they have been for some years. To finance the trade deficit, the United States is obliged to borrow or attract investment from the rest of the world, making a global U.S. trade deficit inevitable.”

 

And that’s not necessarily a bad thing, as economist Walter Williams pointed out: “Our nation has registered current account deficits throughout most of our history, from 1790 right up to our modern period. Over that interval, we went from being a poor, relatively weak nation to the richest and most powerful nation in the history of mankind.”

 

Amb. Lighthizer: "China has a very clear plan. They have a state controlled economy, and they do what's in China's interest."

 

Many U.S. trade actions have also been in China’s interest, whether it was quitting the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), picking trade fights with our allies in Europe and North America, or, most recently, threatening to impose tariffs on Vietnam, thereby discouraging companies from relocating from China.

 

Amb. Lighthizer: "There's pretty much a bipartisan consensus that we're moving in the right direction. I think that the Democrats as well as the Republicans realise that we needed to shift the paradigm on trade more in the direction of working people in the United States.”

 

That might surprise many of the country’s hard-working farmers, who have been forced to depend on unprecedented federal support payments to offset trade war-related losses.

 

It’s true that there is a bipartisan consensus on trade. That consensus is overwhelmingly in support of trade. See for example Gallup’s Lydia Saad: “Trade enjoys strong bipartisan support in the U.S. today, with roughly eight in 10 Democrats (82%) and Republicans (78%), in addition to 76% of independents, seeing it as more of an opportunity for growth than a threat from imports.”

 

History will show that the Trump administration failed to shift the paradigm on trade. Instead, it demonstrated how a failure to understand basic economics can inflict significant harm on Americans.

 

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Bryan Riley is Director of the NTU’s Free Trade Initiative. This column was originally published here.

 

Bryan also was a guest on the PRESS CLUB C Podcast.

Tuesday, August 18, 2020

PRESS CLUB C Podcast with Ray Keating – Episode #27: Reason over Nonsense on International Trade


Listen to Ray’s conversation with a leading voice in our nation’s debate over trade. Bryan Riley is the Director of NTU’s Free Trade Initiative. He subscribes to sound economics when it comes to trade. That is, he is a rare, welcome voice of reason in a national discussion on trade that too often careens into nonsense. Oh, and is Cheap Trick the greatest band ever? Bryan thinks so. Tune in now!

Saturday, July 25, 2020

Guest Column: No, The Government Should Not Tell Apple How To Make iPhones

by Bryan Riley
The Keating Files – July 25, 2020

A recent Wall Street Journal op-ed, “Bringing the Factories Home: Any new industrial policy has to make the U.S. less vulnerable to Chinese suppliers,” by Hudson Institute Senior Fellow Arthur Herman, adds little to the debate over what to do about China.

Plans to “bring the factories home” come with great risks. One that is rarely mentioned is the likelihood that other countries may decide to copy this policy and “take the factories home.” For the 2.6 million American manufacturing workers employed by foreign-owned companies that have built U.S. factories, this would be a devastating result.

Perhaps the key takeaway from the piece is embodied in the suggestion that the federal government should tell Apple, one of the most innovative and successful companies in American history, how to produce iPhones.

Mr. Herman further suggests that China has a stranglehold on American’s access to important health-care goods like ventilators, and therefore the government should reduce American “dependence” on China-sourced pharmaceuticals and health-care products.


Last year, China accounted for 17 percent of all U.S. ventilator imports. That’s hardly a stranglehold.

Overall, more than half of medical goods and pharmaceuticals used in the USA are made in the USA. China accounts for about 2 percent of the combined U.S. market for medical goods and pharmaceuticals.

According to Mr. Herman, 97 percent of antibiotics used in America are sourced from China. It’s not clear where that statistic comes from. According to data from the U.S. International Trade Commission, about 2.4 percent of U.S. antibiotic imports came from China in 2019.

Perhaps he is referring to “Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients” (APIs) imported from China.

According to March 2019 testimony from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), “we cannot determine with any precision the volume of API that China is actually producing, or the volume of APIs manufactured in China that is entering the U.S. market.” In June 2020, an FDA spokesman reiterated this: “Data available to FDA do not enable us to calculate the volume of API being used for U.S.-marketed drugs from China or India, and what percentage of U.S. drug consumption this represents.”

This lack of data is certainly problematic. It was addressed by Congress in a CARES Act provision authorizing research to get to the bottom of this. In the meantime, there is no reason to believe that 97 percent of U.S. antibiotics are sourced from China.

Mr. Herman adds: “Asia produces 90 percent of the world’s circuit boards—more than half of them in China.”

This statement is reminiscent of the time Scott Williams (2 points) and Michael Jordan (55 points) combined for 57 points in game 4 of the 1993 NBA finals. Why commingle production by China with that of Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and other U.S. allies? More fundamentally, if U.S. manufacturers can procure affordable circuit boards for garage door openers and refrigerators from abroad, how exactly does that threaten American security?

He repeats this tactic with respect to STEM education: “A 2019 Congressional Research Service report found that India and China together made up nearly 70 percent of foreign students enrolled in STEM courses in the U.S.” It makes even less sense to lump together India and China than it does to combine the scores of Michael Jordan and Scott Williams, unless the goal is to concoct a big, scary number.

Mr. Herman is concerned that manufacturing now makes up 11 percent of U.S. gross domestic product (GDP), compared to 25 percent in the 1960s, and that more than five million American manufacturing jobs have been lost since 2000.

It seems that critics of American manufacturing capacity will look at any measure except for how much we manufacture to justify their policy prescriptions.



Manufacturing output has steadily increased over the years. There is no reason Americans should be concerned that other areas of the economy have grown even more, reducing manufacturing’s share of total GDP.

Nor should Americans be concerned that technological advancements made U.S. workers more productive than ever, reducing the number of manufacturing jobs. The economy added new jobs elsewhere, and overall employment grew.

If there’s a problem with that, the easiest fix would be to fire all the country’s doctors, accountants, teachers, and plumbers and ban all imports of affordable clothing. Manufacturing’s share of GDP would increase, and more Americans could return to factories to run sewing machines 40 hours a week.

As is always the case with industrial policy advocates, the proposed solution to the misdiagnosed problem involves the federal government picking winners and losers -- specifically, “Washington should identify commercial-sector technologies that may be crucial to national security. Artificial intelligence, robotics, quantum technologies and nanotechnology all need a strong domestic manufacturing base.”

Perhaps there are those who sincerely believe in the existence of some wizard or super-computer or fortune-teller or bureaucrat who knows the future, and who can use that knowledge to decide how much money to take from farmer A to throw at robotics company B instead of robotics company C or nanotechnology company D. But history suggests that limiting federal involvement to specific, targeted national security needs is an approach that’s much more likely to work.

Telling pharmaceutical companies how to make drugs and Apple how to make iPhones would make us weaker and worse-off.

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Data Notes:
Ventilator imports based on HTS number 9019.20.0000, “ozone therapy, oxygen therapy, aerosol therapy, artificial respiration or other therapeutic respiration apparatus; parts and accessories.”
Medical goods calculations based on NAICS number 3254, "Pharmaceutical and Medicine Manufacturing," and NAICS number 3391, "Medical Equipment and Supplies Manufacturing." 
Antibiotic imports based on HTS number 3004.10, “medicaments, in measured doses, etc., containing penicillins or derivatives thereof, or streptomycins or their derivatives,” and HTS number 3004.20, “medicaments, in measured doses, etc., containing antibiotics, nesoi.”

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Bryan Riley is Director of the NTU’s Free Trade Initiative. This column was originally published here.