For about 20 years, Ray Keating wrote a weekly column - a short time with the New York City Tribune, more than 11 years with Newsday, another seven years with Long Island Business News, plus another year-and-a-half with As an economist, Keating also pens an assortment of analyses each week. With the Keating Files, he decided to expand his efforts with regular commentary touching on a broad range of issues, written by himself and an assortment of talented contributors and columnists. So, here goes...

Tuesday, June 30, 2020

PRESS CLUB C Podcast with Ray Keating – Episode #19: Teaching Markets and Morality to the Left, the Right and the Clergy

Ray Keating interviews Father Robert Sirico, co-founder of the Acton Institute, and a leading voice for traditional morality, Christianity, and free markets. The work of Father Sirico and Acton, including Acton University, arguably is more critical now than ever since the institute was founded in 1990. Join Ray and Father Sirico for an illuminating conversation about markets and morality. Tune in now!

Monday, June 29, 2020

10 Points Book Review: Insights on Teaching and Learning Economics, and Why it Matters, from "The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding"

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – June 29, 2020

During my time writing, speaking, teaching, and doing policy work over the years, I’ve run into a lot of misguided economics. Indeed, I often find myself wondering if this or that person ever took an economics class. I tend to ask this most when testifying before Congress.

But then I realize that these people probably did take at least one economics course in college. The problem was who taught the course, not to mention the textbook being used. They simply learned bad economics.

For the sake of our nation and others around the world, we economists need to get a heck of a lot better at what we do, including getting focused on what we’re actually supposed to do. Fortunately, some excellent economists do spend their careers working to get the discipline properly focused, and to improve economic education.

That includes Dr. Peter Boettke, who is a professor of economics and philosophy at George Mason University, and the director of the F.A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Mercatus Center, among other responsibilities. 

Boettke has a new book out titled The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding (American Institute for Economic Research, 2020). This book serves multiple purposes. It’s a wonderful introduction to economics. It serves as a refresher on economic thinking. It is a much-needed corrective for economics, and economists, gone awry. It also will re-energize many economists and other students of the discipline in terms of why economics matters. It certainly re-energized me on this front. And all of that in a highly readable 172 pages.

Let’s briefly highlight 10 key points Boettke makes, in the hopes that this will ignite interest in the reader to absorb the entire book.

First, Boettke highlights several times the roles that prices, profits, losses and property rights play in the market. In his introductory chapter, for example, he writes, “Prices guide us, profits lure us, and losses discipline us in our decisions, and property rights provide the institutional infrastructure required for all of this to take place.” And later, he adds that “a market is never perfect, nor is it in equilibrium. The price system guides individuals to discover mutual gains from trade, prodding them to find the most valuable uses for scarce resources and thus moving the whole system into more efficient resource allocation.”

Second, Boettke hits the mark on what the purpose, if you will, of economics is, and why it matters. He observes, “[Adam] Smith’s analysis of the wealth of nations is not ultimately measured in trinkets and gluttonous acts of consumption, but by a rising standard of living that is shared by more and more of the general population. It is an empirical matter as to which set of institutions best achieve that task. But the concern with raising the living standards of the least advantaged in society is never far from view in any careful reading of liberal political economy from Adam Smith to Vernon Smith.” Boettke’s use of the term “liberal,” by the way, refers to classical liberalism, not the modern-day, Progressive liberalism.

Third, that’s right, economists, including free market economists, do not teach, to quote Gordon Gekko, that “greed is good.” Indeed, it’s not about selfishness. Adam Smith often is misinterpreted on this point. Boettke offers a short, but important summary of his own thinking: “In my view there have been two great defining characteristics of economics since its birth as a discipline in the eighteenth century: the market economy’s self-regulating capacity (the invisible hand) and self-interest (rational choice).” Note how he identifies “self-interest” – not as selfishness, but as rational choice.

Fourth, Boettke also makes clear that both competition and cooperation work to improve life in the market system. He states that “we require institutions that will enable us to engage in productive specialization, realize mutual gains from exchange, and achieve peaceful social cooperation among distant and disparate people.” Pointing to Paul Rubin’s book The Capitalist Paradox, Boettke further explains, “Rubin’s book is highly recommended because he offers a useful corrective by stressing the importance of social cooperation among distant and disparate people, rather than the ruthless competitive nature of market society. Yes, market competition is unrelenting and valuable. But the by-product isn’t just the delivery of goods and services at least cost, but also the network of social relationships and bonds of cooperation that are formed even among strangers.”

Fifth, Boettke also notes that classical liberal economics understands the need for institutions to “produce a society of free and responsible individuals, who have the opportunity to participate and prosper in a market economy based on profit and loss, and who live in, and are actively engaged in, caring communities,” while also requiring “a set of institutions where bad men could do least harm if they were to assume positions of power.”

Sixth, thankfully The Four Pillars of Understanding does not neglect the central player in the market, in the process of economic growth, i.e., the entrepreneur. The great and glaring failure of economics driven by pristine mathematical models meant to predict where the economy might be headed is that those economists and their models have no way to account for the entrepreneur. That, of course, makes you wonder about the usefulness of such work.

Boettke points out, “Economic progress is ... a consequence of entrepreneurial innovation.” He explains, “Entrepreneurs in the private sector act on price signals to constantly seek out deals by buying low and selling high, and in doing so bring mutual gains from trade. But these entrepreneurs are also constantly on the lookout for cost saving technologies in production and improvements in the delivery mechanism to consumers of their goods and services. And, don’t ever forget, the innovations they introduce and the discovery of new products and new services that better satisfy the demands of consumers. Hope in the form of improved living conditions is born out of individuals being able to bet on ideas and bring those bets to life.”

While Boettke advises “don’t ever forget,” so many in the economics profession have forgotten to the detriment of economic education and policy.

Seventh, so, let’s turn directly to economic education. Boettke does yeoman’s work in laying out what are the essential economic principles – the economic way of thinking – that should be the focus of teaching economics. Yet, that has not been done by many teachers for a variety of reasons, including, as he notes, a transformation of the discipline from teaching economic principles to taking on the task of assisting the government with interventionist policies. 

I’ve long argued that when various economists got bored with economics, they decided to dress up their political preferences in the guise of economics. See John Maynard Keynes and his disciples. Indeed, far too many within the economics discipline were more than happy to sign on, and then teach their students accordingly. Hence, we have the problem persisting today of people learning bad economics in too many classrooms. Boettke counters this impulse, including by pointing out, “Economics is a tool for social understanding, and not a tool for social control.”

Eighth, Boettke makes clear the link between the corruption of economics in the classroom and misguided public policies. He points to the work of MIT economist Paul Samuelson, who was prominent in leading the charge to ignore the common knowledge established by classical political economy. Boettke notes the impact of Samuelson and his long-dominant textbook on thinking about how the market worked, or in Samuelson’s case, didn’t work, in the public arena: “Samuelson knew that if he could wrest control of the tacit presuppositions of public policy functionaries, then their thoughts and actions would be guided by what he taught about market failure, macroeconomic instability, and government as a corrective to our economic woes. It’s an amazing achievement what he did. For at least a generation, perhaps two, he controlled both the introduction to economics market, and the advanced training of PhD students in the economics market.”

Ninth, Boettke makes clear what the mission of the economist should be: “Those of us who ... believe in the common-sense nature of economic reasoning must be willing to engage in the futile crusade for economic literacy in the general population, to continually refine our understanding of basic economics, and to persuade our peers in the discipline that there isn’t anything boring about working with the persistent and consistent application of economic principles to understanding the way the world works in all its given diversity. Simple economics is not simpleminded, and clarity of exposition of the principles of economics is to be valued over quickness of mind and cleverness in presentation.” Well said.

Tenth, Boettke addresses the arrival of incoherent populism in the current economic policy debate. Boettke acknowledges that classical liberalism and populism often wind up criticizing the same ills brought about by Progressivism’s interference in society and the market. But he highlights two big differences. First, the classical liberal “critique of the progressive elite is grounded in sound economics and the grand and honorable tradition of political economy, and is not born in disillusionment and angry frustration,” as is the case with populism. For good measure, there is the great irony of populism. Boettke explains that “the populist criticizes the establishment elite in public policy while advocating an increased role of government and its agencies to counter the social ills of instability, inefficiency and inequality.” Populists don’t like government action, unless it’s on their behalf.

I was fortunate to have two excellent professors during my formal economics education (I’ve learned and continue to learn from so many outside the classroom) – one at the beginning and the other at the end. During my undergraduate days, Dr. John Arnez got me interested in economics by explaining it in sound, common-sense fashion, and making clear how economics is concerned about expanding opportunity and improving living standards for all. Pete Boettke came in at the end of my graduate school education, and he reinforced and expanded my thinking as an economist. Others can benefit from learning sound economics from Dr. Boettke through his various books, including his notable accomplishment with The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding.


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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur. You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York from Amazon or signed books  at His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th  book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel  with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcast and the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast  

Saturday, June 27, 2020

Is Senator McSally Poised to Make History, Again? If So, Not in a Good Way

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – June 27, 2020

U.S. Senator Martha McSally, Republican from Arizona, has a knack for making history. However, the history she might make this November is not the kind that she would appreciate.

Without a doubt, McSally is a fighter. She became the first female fighter pilot in history to fly in combat, as well as the first to command an Air Force fighter squadron in combat. She served in the Air Force for 26 years, and retired a full colonel in 2010.

McSally subsequently dove into a political career. She first lost a Republican primary in Arizona to fill the rest of the term for Democrat Rep. Gabby Giffords’ House of Representatives seat after Giffords was badly wounded in a 2011 shooting in Tucson. Ron Barber, a former Giffords’ aide who also was injured in the shooting, eventually won the seat. As the GOP candidate, McSally then narrowly lost to Barber in 2012.

McSally came back to win the seat in a tight, brutal race in 2014, and then was re-elected handily in 2016.

After Senator Jeff Flake, a Republican critical of President Donald Trump, announced in 2017 that he was retiring, McSally entered the race. She largely was seen as the traditional Republican conservative candidate in the primary versus more fringy candidates, namely, Kelli Ward and Joe Arpaio. McSally won the primary, had a tough time then uniting the GOP vote, and failed to handle the death of U.S. Senator John McCain very well, which happened just before the GOP primary. 

McSally wound up losing the November election by an extremely tight margin to Kyrsten Sinema. So, McSally lost the Senate seat that had been in Republican hands since 1995.

Meanwhile, former Senator Jon Kyl, a Republican, came out of retirement to be appointed by Republican Governor Doug Ducey as a kind of placeholder for the McCain seat. Kyl then retired, again, in December, and Ducey appointed McSally to the seat – just 55 days after she lost to Sinema. According to a Smart Politics analysis, that was the quickest turnaround from losing a Senate seat to being appointed to a Senate seat.

McSally is now in a race to finish out McCain’s term, and her Democratic opponent is Mark Kelly, who is Giffords’ husband and a former astronaut.

The latest polls show Kelly holding a strong lead over McSally. For example, in the two polls on the race released in June (so far), McSally has failed to top 38 percent, and trailed in one poll by nine points and in the other by 13 points. Of course, the four-plus months remaining until the election can be an eternity in politics. But it’s clear that McSally is in deep trouble. 

Part of the problem might be that Trump is not faring well in the state, either, and McSally clearly has moved closer to the Trump camp. The most recent polls show Trump either in a dead heat or slightly behind his opponent, Democrat Joe Biden, in Arizona. Since Harry Truman won Arizona in 1948, the state has only gone for a Democrat once in a presidential race – by a tiny margin for President Bill Clinton in 1996.

If McSally goes down to defeat, it would not only mean losing a seat held by Republicans since 1969 – by Barry Goldwater and then John McCain – but it would mean that McSally would make history, once again. She will have lost both Republican Senate seats in Arizona to the Democrats within a mere two years. Yep, that would rank as making history. Of course, though, it’s not the kind of history any politician wants to make.


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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur.  You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York from Amazon or signed books at His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcast and the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast 

Wednesday, June 24, 2020

PRESS CLUB C Podcast with Ray Keating – Episode #17: Pete Boettke Gets Us Jazzed (Again!) about Economics

If you think economics is boring or uninteresting, then you really need to listen to economist Peter Boettke in this fascinating conversation with Ray Keating. Boettke has written a wonderful book – The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding – (among others) and has dedicated his career to teaching and getting people jazzed about economics. This is a great introduction or refresher on how to think the economic way. Tune in here!

Monday, June 22, 2020

PRESS CLUB C Podcast with Ray Keating – Episode #16: In Defense of Drug Companies

Ray goes on a rant defending the pharmaceutical industry against “stupid” attacks by politicians seeking to impose price controls. Ray argues that if you want new and improved medicines, vaccines, etc., then don’t buy into what politicians are selling when it comes to attacks on drug companies. Also, Keating notes why “Big Pharma” is a political phrase that has little to do with the entrepreneurial realities of the prescription drug business. Tune in here! 

Thursday, June 18, 2020

PRESS CLUB C Podcast with Ray Keating – Episode #15: Immigration, Bolton’s Book and Baseball

Ray works through some controversial issues in this episode. He wonders why people don’t get it on immigration, notes some deeply distressing tidbits from John Bolton’s forthcoming book, and makes clear that we better see baseball soon. Tune in now!

Tuesday, June 16, 2020

I’ve Been Granted 7 Pop Culture Wishes

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – June 16, 2020

Everybody seems to have a list of things they’d like to see happen on the entertainment front. A pop culture wish list, if you will. And if you don’t, well, you should if you’re any fun at all.

And my wish list isn’t about things that I wish never happened – well, not really. These are things that I wish for, and if people would just listen, each could happen. So, let’s go, pay attention entertainment executives.

First, Paul McCartney and Brian Wilson need to get together and cut an album. Think about having one of the musical geniuses behind the Beatles and the creative force of the Beach Boys – the two greatest rock ‘n’ roll bands of all time (yes, I wrote it!) – get together to make an album during their later years. Make it happen!

Second, and this verges on wishing-it-never-happened, but in reality is a fix-it wish: Bring William Shatner back for one more turn as Captain James T. Kirk. Shatner, Kirk and Star Trek fans deserved a heck of a lot more than that ridiculous death in Star Trek: Generations. If you can bring Patrick Stewart back as Captain Picard for a full season (and apparently two more) of Picard, then get Shatner back in the captain’s chair for something ... anything! And so what if he can’t get into a good fistfight or land the sexy alien woman any more (Is that PC? Will someone get upset?) – after all, the dude is 89 (and looks great) – he can still speak in commanding Shatner-esque fashion on the bridge of the Enterprise.

Third, the Nerd Herder in me wishes – no, he demands – that Chuck return. For those who don’t know what Chuck was or is, my response is: What the hell is wrong with you? Chuck ran on NBC from 2007 to 2012. It was an hour-long comedy about an underachieving tech guy, played by Zachary Levi, who works at the Buy More (think Best Buy), but suddenly gets government secrets implanted in his head. What follows is a delightful five seasons of nerds, spies, silly bad guys, nerd humor, romance, and action, along with wonderful and weird characters who are irresistible. Along the way, the show was kept alive by fan campaigns. To many of those fans, though, the two-hour finale came up short. There’s been lots of talk about a Chuck movie, with Levi making clear he’s in favor of it. 

Now, follow this: HBO Max now ranks among streaming options seeking content, and it’s owned by AT&T. In turn, AT&T also owns Warner Brothers Studio, which controls Chuck (I think). Therefore, it’s time for the return of Chuck courtesy of HBO Max streaming, and I say it should be either a series of movies or, preferably, a few eight-episode seasons.

Incidentally, I wrote a book titled“Chuck” vs. the Business World: Business Tips on TV, which offers all kinds of career and business tips based on the show.

Fourth, I might regret this wish: But even with Steven Spielberg dropping out, the movie getting pushed back time and again due to assorted delays, and Harrison Ford getting up there in years, I still wish to see another Indiana Jones movie. Let’s hope that director James Mangold and Harrison Ford can pull off some Indy magic one more time.

Fifth, after this next James Bond movie is released, it is presumed to be the last one for Daniel Craig. He has been the best Bond thus far, so who could succeed him in the role? It obviously should be Henry Cavill. Don’t argue.

Sixth, in the next season of Magnum P.I., the original Magnum, Tom Selleck, needs to guest star in a two-part episode playing a detective from the mainland – preferably, Detroit – who was an old friend of the new Magnum’s (Jay Hernandez) father. Give me a call, CBS, I can pen a fun script.

Seventh, I wish that Warner Brothers would give the green light for Zack Snyder to finish his version of the Justice League movie, so we can... What? Oh, that’s happening? It’s supposed to be coming to HBO Max in 2021. Well, great. Mission accomplished. Wish fulfilled. I guess I’ll stop there then.


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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur.  You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York from Amazon or signed books at His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcastand the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast 

Monday, June 15, 2020

The Ills of Labor Unions, Part II: Public Schools and Policing

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – June 15, 2020

I wrote weekly newspaper columns for nearly 20 years (for Newsday and then Long Island Business News) specifically covering Long Island politics, policy and economics. And one way to drive home the point of how completely out of whack the costs of government were (and still are) was to ask the following...

Question: What’s a Long Island power couple?

Answer: A cop married to a public school teacher.

In many parts of the country, that might seem bizarre. But consider that, according to a Newsday report last year, for example, the average annual pay for a Nassau County police officer was $104,000, while in Suffolk County, it’s $138,000. (Long Island’s two counties are Nassau and Suffolk.) Just a few years earlier, the average was $145,000 in Nassau, but the recent decline apparently has to do with older, higher-paid cops retiring.

As for public school teachers, the norm is for the median teacher pay in school districts on Long Island to top $100,000 per year (and keep in mind that teachers have summers off, so a true annualized pay estimate is much higher). According to the Empire Center’s, the median teacher pay in Nassau County public schools ranges from $93,534 to $148,888. In Suffolk, the range goes from $72,026 to $136,733. 

Remember, “median” is the middle point, so that half the teachers make more than that amount. 

So, if a police officer and a public school teacher living and working on Long Island get married, and just stick around in their respective jobs, it’s well within reason that they’d be raking in a cool quarter-of-a-million dollars annually, courtesy of the taxpayers.

Such luxurious compensation is about powerful government labor unions and elected officials who care little about how taxpayer money is spent. And everyone involved in doling out and accepting these big bucks sells it to the public as being about educating the children and providing public safety. But it’s not – in either case.

Make no mistake, labor unions only care about their members. So, during this time of racial strife, if we take a serious look at issues that matter – education and law enforcement – then it’s time to deal with governmental abuses and incompetence, and the roles played by public sector unions in representing police and teachers.

For the police unions, it’s not about serving and protecting the community. Instead, it’s about maximizing pay, including pensions, minimizing the work done by members, and protecting members against disciplinary actions.

On the pension front, the Empire Center noted last year: “Fully three-quarters of the 242 Nassau County and Suffolk County police department officers retiring last year, as well as two-thirds of the 39 newly retired Yonkers city police officers, were eligible for annual pensions of more than $100,000, the data show. The pension amounts do not include added severance payments for accumulated sick or vacation time.” One Nassau County retired cop walked away with an annual pension of $221,086.

Regarding police discipline in New York, consider the following as reported by Ken Girardin, also of the Empire Center:

On June 13, 2019, the Senate unanimously passed a bill  (S5803) that would make the final determination of disciplinary penalties a subject of collective bargaining... 

The bill—which failed to pass in the Assembly and didn’t emerge from committee in this year’s pandemic-truncated session—was the most recent in a long line of attempts by police and fire unions to nullify a unanimous 2006 state Court of Appeals decision affirming the New York City police commissioner’s ultimate power over disciplinary matters in the NYPD...

Between 2006 and 2010, proposals to make all stages of police discipline a mandatory subject of collective bargaining were passed overwhelmingly by the Legislature, only to be vetoed by Governors Pataki, Spitzer and Paterson. When the same measure reached Governor Cuomo’s desk in 2014, he took the more passive approach of leaving it unsigned and allowing it to die via a pocket-veto. The bill passed the Senate in 2018 by a 62-0 vote, but died in the Assembly that year.

And guess what? Police unions lead the charge against reforms that would make real improvements, such as use of body and patrol car cameras; ramping up ongoing training requirements significantly; removing special protections that other citizens don’t have; instituting merit pay rather than compensation being tied to seniority; seriously researching if having police officers live in the local communities in which they work would improve policing; and implementing far more selective hiring practices, such as getting at why someone wants to be a cop (is it a calling to help and protect the community, or something else?).

Meanwhile, the teacher unions not only stand at the forefront of boosting compensation for public school teachers (again, based on seniority detached from performance), but also in actively opposing changes that would help students. In fact, teacher and other education unions have stood against all real solutions to our education problems. While the public education system talks about working to improve, students’ lives continue to suffer year after year in terms of failing schools, and poor education translating into fewer opportunities and lower earnings, on average, over lifetimes.

Real changes in education policies that would start to immediately make improvements in the lives of students – such as school choice via vouchers, tax credits, and homeschooling – are always opposed by teachers unions. Students and families can’t afford to wait for public schools to eventually get around to improving. And factory-like, government schools filled with too many poor and mediocre teachers are recipes for failure. Students and families need options to get out.

On its list of misleading reasons for opposing school choice, the National Education Association (NEA) has the nerve to declare, “Vouchers provide less accountability for public resources than public schools.” In reality, few entities are less accountable than government, including public schools, along with the teachers and their unions. Accountability comes when consumers – not politicians or unions – are in control.

Substantive reforms in both policing and public education likely will require bringing union representation of public sector workers to an end. Public sector unions were long opposed across the political spectrum, even by pro-union Democrats, such as President Franklin D. Roosevelt. But by the 1960s, the move to unionize government employees was pushing ahead. Today, the largest labor union in the U.S. is the NEA, and unions provide enormous campaign dollars and volunteers to politicians – mainly, Democrats. Therefore,  the interests of elected officials wind up being aligned with those of public sector workers, and not in a constructive way. But instead in a way whereby politics supports union efforts to benefit union members to the detriment of those who government is supposed to serve.

No one should be surprised that government labor unions stand as major obstacles to positive reforms in policing and education. But that doesn’t mean these union roadblocks must persist.


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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur.  You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York from Amazon or signed books at His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcast and the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast