For about 20 years, Ray Keating wrote a weekly column - a short time with the New York City Tribune, more than 11 years with Newsday, another seven years with Long Island Business News, plus another year-and-a-half with RealClearMarkets.com. As an economist, Keating also pens an assortment of analyses each week. With the Keating Files, he decided to expand his efforts with regular commentary touching on a broad range of issues, written by himself and an assortment of talented contributors and columnists. So, here goes...
Showing posts with label Adam Smith. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Adam Smith. Show all posts

Monday, February 15, 2021

Catch Up on Some Sound Economics: Pandemic Economy, Short-Selling, Innovation vs. Regulation, Reagan Economy, and Poet John Donne

 by Ray Keating

The Keating Files – February 15, 2021

 

We’re in need of some sound economics, so why not catch up on the latest episodes of the “Free Enterprise in Three Minutes” podcast right now? After all, each one only takes about three minutes!



Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode #93: John Donne, Adam Smith, Trade, and No Man is an Island – What can English poet and Anglican cleric John Donne teach us about economics? Tune in to find out. Listen at https://www.buzzsprout.com/155969/7825834-episode-93-john-donne-adam-smith-trade-and-no-man-is-an-island

 

Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode #92: Economic History – The Reagan Economy – With President Reagan’s birthday being Feb 6th, Ray Keating explains the dramatic and positive improvements experienced in the economy during the Reagan years thanks to a sound economic policy agenda. Listen at https://www.buzzsprout.com/155969/7702660-episode-92-economic-history-the-reagan-economy

 

Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode #91: Innovation vs. Regulation – Ray Keating explains the difference between innovation and regulation. As amazing as it might seem, there are people, especially politicians, who have a tough time differentiating between the two. Listen at  https://www.buzzsprout.com/155969/7655593-episode-91-innovation-vs-regulation

 

Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode #90: What’s the Real Deal with Shorting a Stock? – Keating explains what shorting a stock really is about as opposed to what you might otherwise read or hear online or via cable TV. Listen at https://www.buzzsprout.com/155969/7562239-episode-90-what-s-the-real-deal-with-shorting-a-stock

 

Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode 89: Climbing Out of the Pandemic Economic Hole – Ray Keating considers how deep our pandemic economic hole is, and how long it might take to climb out – also noting that the right policy mix is vital. Listen at 

https://www.buzzsprout.com/155969/7544323-episode-89-climbing-out-of-the-pandemic-economic-hole

 

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Ray Keating is a columnist, novelist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur.  His new book Vatican Shadows: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel is the 13th thriller/mystery in the Pastor Stephen Grant series. Get the paperback or Kindle edition at Amazon, or signed books at www.raykeatingonline.com.

 

The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

 

You also can order his book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York  from Amazon or signed books  at RayKeatingOnline.com. His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. 

 

One of the best ways to enjoy Ray Keating’s Pastor Stephen Grant thrillers and mysteries is to join the Pastor Stephen Grant Fellowship! For the BEST VALUE, consider the Book of the Month Club.  Check it all out at https://www.patreon.com/pastorstephengrantfellowship

 

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcast  and the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast  

 

Check out Ray Keating’s Disney news and entertainment site at www.DisneyBizJournal.com.

Monday, June 29, 2020

10 Points Book Review: Insights on Teaching and Learning Economics, and Why it Matters, from "The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding"

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – June 29, 2020

During my time writing, speaking, teaching, and doing policy work over the years, I’ve run into a lot of misguided economics. Indeed, I often find myself wondering if this or that person ever took an economics class. I tend to ask this most when testifying before Congress.

But then I realize that these people probably did take at least one economics course in college. The problem was who taught the course, not to mention the textbook being used. They simply learned bad economics.


For the sake of our nation and others around the world, we economists need to get a heck of a lot better at what we do, including getting focused on what we’re actually supposed to do. Fortunately, some excellent economists do spend their careers working to get the discipline properly focused, and to improve economic education.

That includes Dr. Peter Boettke, who is a professor of economics and philosophy at George Mason University, and the director of the F.A. Hayek Program for Advanced Study in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at the Mercatus Center, among other responsibilities. 

Boettke has a new book out titled The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding (American Institute for Economic Research, 2020). This book serves multiple purposes. It’s a wonderful introduction to economics. It serves as a refresher on economic thinking. It is a much-needed corrective for economics, and economists, gone awry. It also will re-energize many economists and other students of the discipline in terms of why economics matters. It certainly re-energized me on this front. And all of that in a highly readable 172 pages.

Let’s briefly highlight 10 key points Boettke makes, in the hopes that this will ignite interest in the reader to absorb the entire book.

First, Boettke highlights several times the roles that prices, profits, losses and property rights play in the market. In his introductory chapter, for example, he writes, “Prices guide us, profits lure us, and losses discipline us in our decisions, and property rights provide the institutional infrastructure required for all of this to take place.” And later, he adds that “a market is never perfect, nor is it in equilibrium. The price system guides individuals to discover mutual gains from trade, prodding them to find the most valuable uses for scarce resources and thus moving the whole system into more efficient resource allocation.”

Second, Boettke hits the mark on what the purpose, if you will, of economics is, and why it matters. He observes, “[Adam] Smith’s analysis of the wealth of nations is not ultimately measured in trinkets and gluttonous acts of consumption, but by a rising standard of living that is shared by more and more of the general population. It is an empirical matter as to which set of institutions best achieve that task. But the concern with raising the living standards of the least advantaged in society is never far from view in any careful reading of liberal political economy from Adam Smith to Vernon Smith.” Boettke’s use of the term “liberal,” by the way, refers to classical liberalism, not the modern-day, Progressive liberalism.

Third, that’s right, economists, including free market economists, do not teach, to quote Gordon Gekko, that “greed is good.” Indeed, it’s not about selfishness. Adam Smith often is misinterpreted on this point. Boettke offers a short, but important summary of his own thinking: “In my view there have been two great defining characteristics of economics since its birth as a discipline in the eighteenth century: the market economy’s self-regulating capacity (the invisible hand) and self-interest (rational choice).” Note how he identifies “self-interest” – not as selfishness, but as rational choice.

Fourth, Boettke also makes clear that both competition and cooperation work to improve life in the market system. He states that “we require institutions that will enable us to engage in productive specialization, realize mutual gains from exchange, and achieve peaceful social cooperation among distant and disparate people.” Pointing to Paul Rubin’s book The Capitalist Paradox, Boettke further explains, “Rubin’s book is highly recommended because he offers a useful corrective by stressing the importance of social cooperation among distant and disparate people, rather than the ruthless competitive nature of market society. Yes, market competition is unrelenting and valuable. But the by-product isn’t just the delivery of goods and services at least cost, but also the network of social relationships and bonds of cooperation that are formed even among strangers.”

Fifth, Boettke also notes that classical liberal economics understands the need for institutions to “produce a society of free and responsible individuals, who have the opportunity to participate and prosper in a market economy based on profit and loss, and who live in, and are actively engaged in, caring communities,” while also requiring “a set of institutions where bad men could do least harm if they were to assume positions of power.”

Sixth, thankfully The Four Pillars of Understanding does not neglect the central player in the market, in the process of economic growth, i.e., the entrepreneur. The great and glaring failure of economics driven by pristine mathematical models meant to predict where the economy might be headed is that those economists and their models have no way to account for the entrepreneur. That, of course, makes you wonder about the usefulness of such work.

Boettke points out, “Economic progress is ... a consequence of entrepreneurial innovation.” He explains, “Entrepreneurs in the private sector act on price signals to constantly seek out deals by buying low and selling high, and in doing so bring mutual gains from trade. But these entrepreneurs are also constantly on the lookout for cost saving technologies in production and improvements in the delivery mechanism to consumers of their goods and services. And, don’t ever forget, the innovations they introduce and the discovery of new products and new services that better satisfy the demands of consumers. Hope in the form of improved living conditions is born out of individuals being able to bet on ideas and bring those bets to life.”

While Boettke advises “don’t ever forget,” so many in the economics profession have forgotten to the detriment of economic education and policy.

Seventh, so, let’s turn directly to economic education. Boettke does yeoman’s work in laying out what are the essential economic principles – the economic way of thinking – that should be the focus of teaching economics. Yet, that has not been done by many teachers for a variety of reasons, including, as he notes, a transformation of the discipline from teaching economic principles to taking on the task of assisting the government with interventionist policies. 

I’ve long argued that when various economists got bored with economics, they decided to dress up their political preferences in the guise of economics. See John Maynard Keynes and his disciples. Indeed, far too many within the economics discipline were more than happy to sign on, and then teach their students accordingly. Hence, we have the problem persisting today of people learning bad economics in too many classrooms. Boettke counters this impulse, including by pointing out, “Economics is a tool for social understanding, and not a tool for social control.”

Eighth, Boettke makes clear the link between the corruption of economics in the classroom and misguided public policies. He points to the work of MIT economist Paul Samuelson, who was prominent in leading the charge to ignore the common knowledge established by classical political economy. Boettke notes the impact of Samuelson and his long-dominant textbook on thinking about how the market worked, or in Samuelson’s case, didn’t work, in the public arena: “Samuelson knew that if he could wrest control of the tacit presuppositions of public policy functionaries, then their thoughts and actions would be guided by what he taught about market failure, macroeconomic instability, and government as a corrective to our economic woes. It’s an amazing achievement what he did. For at least a generation, perhaps two, he controlled both the introduction to economics market, and the advanced training of PhD students in the economics market.”

Ninth, Boettke makes clear what the mission of the economist should be: “Those of us who ... believe in the common-sense nature of economic reasoning must be willing to engage in the futile crusade for economic literacy in the general population, to continually refine our understanding of basic economics, and to persuade our peers in the discipline that there isn’t anything boring about working with the persistent and consistent application of economic principles to understanding the way the world works in all its given diversity. Simple economics is not simpleminded, and clarity of exposition of the principles of economics is to be valued over quickness of mind and cleverness in presentation.” Well said.


Tenth, Boettke addresses the arrival of incoherent populism in the current economic policy debate. Boettke acknowledges that classical liberalism and populism often wind up criticizing the same ills brought about by Progressivism’s interference in society and the market. But he highlights two big differences. First, the classical liberal “critique of the progressive elite is grounded in sound economics and the grand and honorable tradition of political economy, and is not born in disillusionment and angry frustration,” as is the case with populism. For good measure, there is the great irony of populism. Boettke explains that “the populist criticizes the establishment elite in public policy while advocating an increased role of government and its agencies to counter the social ills of instability, inefficiency and inequality.” Populists don’t like government action, unless it’s on their behalf.

I was fortunate to have two excellent professors during my formal economics education (I’ve learned and continue to learn from so many outside the classroom) – one at the beginning and the other at the end. During my undergraduate days, Dr. John Arnez got me interested in economics by explaining it in sound, common-sense fashion, and making clear how economics is concerned about expanding opportunity and improving living standards for all. Pete Boettke came in at the end of my graduate school education, and he reinforced and expanded my thinking as an economist. Others can benefit from learning sound economics from Dr. Boettke through his various books, including his notable accomplishment with The Four Pillars of Economic Understanding.

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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur. You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York from Amazon or signed books  at RayKeatingOnline.com. His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th  book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel  with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcast and the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast  

Tuesday, May 26, 2020

History Channel Presents Opportunity to Consider U.S. Grant’s Accomplishments, Including During His Presidency

by Ray Keating
The Keating Files – May 26, 2020

I’ve long admired Ulysses S. Grant for his perseverance; dedication to his family; accomplishments on the battlefield during the Civil War in defense of the United States (and the Declaration of Independence and U.S. Constitution) and on behalf, ultimately, of freeing the slaves; and some noteworthy achievements as president.

I’ve also long believed that Grant’s reputation suffered at the hands of an assortment of historians who were sympathetic, apologetic, justifiers and/or moral-equivalency peddlers for the Confederacy. Make no mistake, Grant was quite right when he declared, “There are but two parties now: traitors and patriots. And I want hereafter to be ranked with the latter and, I trust, the stronger party.”


The first night’s two hours of the History Channel’s three-night Grant documentary were quite good, and I look forward to the next four hours. (I’ll try to write a review after seeing the full six hours.)

For now, I would like to focus on the presidency and highlight two key accomplishments by President Grant and a Republican Congress after the Civil War. The following is an excerpt from an essay in my new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from left-Wing New York:

Not only do supply-side economic ideas formally date back to at least the dawn of modern-day economics – for example, with Adam Smith and An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), and Jean-Baptiste Say and A Treatise on Political Economy (1803) – but it follows that supply-side economic policies have been around for some time as well.
Briefly consider what happened during and after the U.S. Civil War. As wartime measures, President Abraham Lincoln and Congress decided to abandon hard money – that is, issuing “greenbacks” that were not convertible into gold or silver – and imposed the first income tax in U.S. history. The Civil War income tax went into effect at a flat 3 percent rate in 1862, and was later increased to a progressive rate structure, with a top rate of 10 percent.
Under President Ulysses S. Grant and a Republican Congress after the war, the income tax was reduced to a flat 5 percent tax, and subsequently in an 1870 act, the rate was cut further, and the income tax sentenced to be terminated at the end of 1871. For good measure, Grant and Congress moved the U.S. back towards a gold standard, after the greenbacks had led to inflation during the war. As noted in a 2011 Congressional Research Service report (“Brief History of the Gold Standard in the United States”) on the history of the gold standard:

After the war was over, Congress determined to return to the metallic standard at the same parity that existed before the war. To do this, the market exchange rate of greenbacks for gold had to be brought back to its old level. This was accomplished by slowly removing the greenbacks from circulation. This was an off-and-on effort, with notes removed, held steady, and even returned to circulation. In 1875, it was decided to reduce their number to $300 million. In 1878, however, their number was frozen at about $347 million, where it remained for a century.
Parity between the greenback and gold dollars was achieved in 1879, returning the United States to a metallic standard. The government stood ready to pay its debts in gold, accept greenbacks for customs, and to redeem greenbacks on demand for gold.

The combination of eliminating the income tax and returning the U.S. to sound money – a very supply-side thing to do – resulted in a long period of robust economic growth. Focusing on the monetary aspect, supply-side thinker Lew Lehrman (in his book Money, Gold, and History)explained: 

“It is also true that the price level gradually declined during periods of diminished rates of discovery of the monetary metals – causing real wages to rise. Such a period was the late 19th century in the United States, known to some historians as ‘The Great Deflation.’ The average annual decline in the price level during this period was one to two percent. But this fall in the price level was associated with one of America’s greatest periods of economic growth – three to four percent annually. Compared to the Great Depression of 1930-1933 – caused by monopoly central banking, protectionism, trade barriers, and the official reserve currency roles of the dollar and the pound – the monetary deflation of 1870-1900 was but a gentle decline amidst a remarkable economic expansion, productivity and wage growth.”

Indeed, historians, along with many economists, have a difficult time wrestling with the fact that economic growth can occur without inflation, not to mention growth with deflation. It is not unusual, for example, to see deflation confused with economic contraction. But consider the period of the 1870s, with the income tax eliminated, and a shift to sound money. From 1870 to 1880, while the price level declined:

• real annual GNP growth averaged 5.3 percent,

• the number of employed grew by 38 percent,

• farm output expanded by 61 percent,

• and manufacturing production grew by 68 percent.

By the way, federal government spending was 14 percent lower in 1880 compared to 1870, as was federal debt.

I would argue that the foundational steps taken by Grant and Congress on the tax and monetary fronts provided a sound policy foundation that helped bring about unprecedented growth and innovation in our economy that lasted some six decades.

It’s also worth highlighting that Grant worked to achieve a balancing act with Reconstruction, as noted by Joan Waugh, a history professor writing for the Miller Center:

As President, Grant was determined to follow Lincoln's policy of reconciliation with the South rather than one of retribution or appeasement. He also wanted to make sure that the federal government preserved the sacrifices of the war by sustaining a strong Union while at the same time protecting the newly freed slaves and preventing former unreconstructed Confederates from regaining power in the South...

Grant wanted to meet the needs of the newly freed slaves and, at the same time, entice white Southerners into a Republican Party dedicated to creating jobs and solid businesses in the defeated region. However, it proved impossible for him to achieve these two competing goals. When he used federal troops or legislation to defend the rights of blacks, whites assailed him as a tyrant trampling states' rights. Yet it went against his personal and political goals to abandon the freed slaves and the Republican Party in the South. In the end, Grant had little chance to take his good intentions and make them into effective policy. 

Indeed, whether he read Adam Smith or not, Grant obviously grasped Smith’s point that he made over two decades before The Wealth of Nations was published: “Little else is requisite to carry a state to the highest degree of opulence from the lowest barbarism, but peace, easy taxes, and a tolerable administration of justice...”

Upon his death and for a fair time afterwards, Grant was widely admired. Now, once again in the twenty-first century, Grant deserves to be recognized as one of the greats in American history for his accomplishments on and off the bloody fields of the Civil War.

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Ray Keating is a columnist, economist, podcaster and entrepreneur.  You can order his new book Behind Enemy Lines: Conservative Communiques from Left-Wing New York  from Amazon or signed books at RayKeatingOnline.com. His other recent nonfiction book is Free Trade Rocks! 10 Points on International Trade Everyone Should Know. Keating also is a novelist. His latest novels are  The Traitor: A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel, which is the 12th book in the series, and the second edition of Root of All Evil? A Pastor Stephen Grant Novel with a new Author Introduction. The views expressed here are his own – after all, no one else should be held responsible for this stuff, right?

Also, tune in to Ray Keating’s podcasts – the PRESS CLUB C Podcastand the Free Enterprise in Three Minutes Podcast 

Thursday, April 16, 2020

Free Enterprise in Three Minutes with Ray Keating – Episode #58: Re-Open the Economy Right Now? No Matter the Costs? Really?


Ray Keating counters irresponsible calls to re-open the economy right now – no matter the costs, even in terms of lives lost – with some help from Adam Smith, the father of modern-day, free-market economics.

Tune in here or click on the graphic above.